Rugby: South Africa beat Wales

By Gareth Roberts
BBC Sport Wales Tries: F Steyn, HougaardCons: M Steyn 2Pen: M Steyn Tries: FaletauCons: HookPens: Hook 3 Frans Steyn celebrates his opening try against Wales Reigning World Cup holders South Africa survived a huge scare in their defence opener as Wales ran them close in Wellington.

Warren Gatland's side took a 16-10 lead after 54 minutes through their only try, by Toby Faletau.

But Francois Hougaard's try and Morne Steyn's conversion killed Welsh hopes.

Hougaard's was one of two Springbok tries, Frans Steyn going over early on while Morne Steyn and James Hook kicked the rest of their side's points.

The pre-match hype belonged to a Welsh team never shy of expressing confidence that they could compete on equal terms with the Springboks in the wake of recent history.

But the opening minutes belonged to Peter de Villiers' side as they launched an efficient, try-building attack that belied South Africa's reputation as masters of kick-and-chase.

Instead from Priestland's kick-off, the ball moved through numerous hands and after a brief break for a scrum, the assault continued until Frans Steyn fended off Shane Williams and Hook to score at the corner.

The move featured a rare, but crucial missed tackle on Jacque Fourie by Wales captain Sam Warburton.

Morne Steyn added the conversion from the touchline to underline his side's confident start.

Much of the rest of the 2007 champions' opening period tactics reverted to the type that Gatland predicted.

But if the Boks' approach was familiar, so was Wales' as they attempted to keep ball in hand to move South Africa's forwards around the field as much as possible.

Morne Steyn kicked a penalty in the 19th minute after Danny Lydiate went offside at a ruck.

Wales' reward for their efforts, however, was not the try they hoped for, but two Hook penalties, the second after JP Pietersen's high tackle on Mike Phillips.

Hook also had a penalty overruled in the opening period, referee Wayne Barnes adjudging it had gone wide although TV replays suggested it may have drifted in.

At the back Hook and George North suffered occasional wobbles under South Africa's aerial barrage while up front both sides won scrum penalties and the line-out contest was also fairly even.

Number eight Toby Faletau dives over to score Wales' try

However, Wales were on top at the breakdown for large periods while the Boks could boast a capable defence as they went into the break 10-6 ahead.

John Smit's side began the second half with the same attacking intent as the first, but on this occasion Warburton was equal to the challenge, stripping the Boks' captain of the ball and forcing a penalty.

At the other end Shane Williams' dash down the left set up a superb attacking platform five metres from the line.

But a poor Phillips pass and Faletau's snatched attempt at taking it killed the opportunity.

Having lost centre Jean de Villiers, replaced by Butch James, to injury in the opening period, veteran lock Victor Matfield departed after Wales' early attack came to nothing.

If that was a boost, what followed lifted Welsh hopes to pre-match levels.

Jamie Roberts' charge into the heart of the defence set up a ruck from which Phillips sent Tongan-born number eight Faletau over for try confirmed by the video referee.

As befitted the reigning champions, they took the game back to Wales, drawing another penalty from Lydiate.

But the Boks spurned the penalty shot at goal, instead launching an attack from a line-out that took them back into the lead only 11 minutes after Faletau's score.

Hougaard, on as a replacement for Bryan Habana, finished off the gamble with an unopposed burst through what remained of the Welsh defence and Morne Steyn added the conversion to put them a point ahead.

Wales' response was equally impressive in its construction, but ended with Priestland hooking his drop-goal attempt from in front of the posts.

Moments later Hougaard conceded a penalty for holding on after the Boks tried to counter-attack from Priestland's superb touch-finder.

But from a wide angle, Hook could not hit the mark and when Lydiate was caught on the margins of offside from a scrum, the Boks opted for the line-out and ground out the final minutes to secure victory.

South Africa: F Steyn; Pietersen, Fourie, de Villiers, Habana; M Steyn, du Preez; Mtawarira, Smit, J du Plessis, Rossouw, Matfield, Brussow, Burger, Spies.

Replacements: James for de Villiers (24), Hougaard for Habana (61), Steenkamp for Mtawarira (55), B du Plessis for Smit (57), Muller for Matfield (44), Alberts for Spies (57).

Not Used: van der Linde.

Wales: Hook; North, J Davies, Roberts, Shane Williams; Priestland, Phillips; James, Bennett, Adam Jones, Charteris, Alun Wyn Jones, Lydiate, Warburton, Faletau.

Replacements: B Davies for Alun Wyn Jones (66).

Not Used: Burns, Bevington, Powell, Knoyle, Scott Williams, Halfpenny.

Att: 34,500

Ref: Wayne Barnes (RFU).

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South Africa

9 August 2011 Last updated at 14:21 GMT Diversity is a key feature of South Africa, where 11 languages are recognised as official, where community leaders include rabbis and chieftains, rugby players and returned exiles, where traditional healers ply their trade around the corner from stockbrokers and where housing ranges from mud huts to palatial homes with swimming pools.

The diverse communities, however, have not had much representation for long.

Until 1994 South Africa was ruled by a white minority government which was so determined to hang onto power that it took activists most of the last century before they succeeded in their fight to get rid of apartheid and extend democracy to the rest of the population.

Continue reading the main story Politics: The ANC scored its fourth election victory in April 2009Economy: One of continent's biggest economies. Poverty widespread, high crime rate associated with high unemployment. Economy moved into recession in May 2009International: Plays a leading role in diplomatic and anti-poverty initiatives in Africa. Emerged from international isolation in 1994 at the end of the apartheid eraThe white government which came to power in 1948 enforced a separation of races with its policy called apartheid. It dictated that black and white communities should live in separate areas, travel in different buses and stand in their own queues.

The government introduced grand social engineering schemes such as the forced resettlement of hundreds of thousands of people. It poisoned and bombed opponents and encouraged trouble in neighbouring countries.

The apartheid government eventually negotiated itself out of power, and the new leadership encouraged reconciliation. But the cost of the years of conflict will be paid for a long time yet, not least in terms of lawlessness, social disruption and lost education.

South Africa faces major problems, but having held four successful national elections as well as local polls since the end of white rule, a democratic culture appears to be taking hold, allowing people at least some say in the search for solutions.

Very much Africa's superpower, South Africa has the continent's biggest economy, though this went into recession in May 2009 following a sharp slowdown in the mining and manufacturing sectors. The construction industry, on the other hand, has benefited from a huge programme of government investment ahead of the 2010 World Cup.

Zulu identity remains strong in eastern KwaZulu-Natal province

Many South Africans remain poor and unemployment is high - a factor blamed for a wave of violent attacks against migrant workers from other African countries in 2008 and protests by township residents over poor living conditions during the summer of 2009.

Land redistribution is an ongoing issue. Most farmland is still white-owned. Having so far acquired land on a "willing buyer, willing seller" basis, officials have signalled that large-scale expropriations are on the cards. The government aims to transfer 30% of farmland to black South Africans by 2014.

South Africa has the second-highest number of HIV/Aids patients in the world. Around one in seven of its citizens is infected with HIV. Free anti-retroviral drugs are available under a state-funded scheme.

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Jill Biden visits East Africa famine refugees

DADAAB, Kenya — A U.S. aid official warned Monday that hundreds of thousands of Somalis could die as famine spreads, amid a visit to Kenyan refugee camps by the wife of U.S. Vice President Joe Biden.

Jill Biden on Monday visited the world's largest refugee camp, Dadaab, where tens of thousands of Somali famine refugees have arrived in recent weeks.

Biden's trip is the highest-profile U.S. visit to drought-stricken East Africa since the numbers of refugees began dramatically increasing in June. Biden said the aim of her visit was to raise awareness and convince donors to give more.

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"What I'm asking is for Americans to reach out and help because the situation is dire," said Biden, who met with two Somali mothers and their eight children during her visit to the camp. "There is hope if people start to pay attention to this."

More than 29,000 children under the age of 5 have died in the last 90 days in southern Somalia alone, according to U.S. estimates. The U.N. says 640,000 Somali children are acutely malnourished, suggesting the death toll of small children will rise in the coming weeks.

USAID administrator Raj Shah said models predict that hundreds of thousands of people could die from famine.

More than 12 million people in the Horn of Africa are in need of immediate food aid, including nearly half the Somali population. The U.N. has declared five famine zones in Somalia, including the camps for displaced people in Mogadishu.

Aid not reaching everyone in need
Aid was only reaching about 20 percent of the 2.6 million Somalis who needed it, said Mark Bowden, the U.N.'s top humanitarian official for Somalia. The situation was better in the Somali capital, where about half the city's 600,000 inhabitants were receiving aid, he said.

US aid begins to trickle into Somalia

Transport and security were the two main problems, he said, and it was unclear what the effect would be of the Islamist withdrawal from their bases in the capital Saturday. There have been several serious gunfights at aid distributions recently, and at least 10 people have been killed.

"An absence of conflict does not mean that there is security here," he said. "There's always been factions and militias."

Kiki Ghebo, another top U.N. humanitarian official, said different kinds of aid were needed: food for the starving, vaccines and medical help to prevent disease outbreaks, and things like plastic sheeting and cooking utensils for those who had been forced to flee their homes because of the war and famine.

The United States is giving an additional $105 million in humanitarian aid for the Horn of Africa, where famine is spreading in Somalia, White House spokesman Jay Carney said on Monday.

The money, from U.S. President Barack Obama's Emergency Relief and Migration Assistance Fund, will provide "urgently needed food, health, shelter, water and sanitation assistance to those who desperately need help," Carney said.

The United States has provided about $565 million in humanitarian aid so far this year, he said.

The Associated Press and Reuters contributed to this report.

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Horn of Africa aid caravan too late, again

EL ADOW, Kenya — A besuited U.N. official wearing well-buffed shoes crouches in the orange dust near a cluster of huts in northern Kenyan, and, as his tie wafts in the breeze, raises an iPad and carefully films the rotting carcass of a cow.

Since drought gripped the Horn of Africa, and especially since famine was declared in parts of Somalia, the international aid industry has swept in and out of refugee camps and remote hamlets in branded planes and snaking lines of white 4X4s.

This humanitarian, diplomatic and media circus is necessary every time people go hungry in Africa, analysts say, because governments — both African and foreign — rarely respond early enough to looming catastrophes.

Combine that with an often simplistic explanation of the causes of famine, and a growing band of aid critics say parts of Africa are doomed to a never-ending cycle of ignored early warnings, media appeals and emergency U.N. feeding — rather than a transition to lasting self-sufficiency.

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"Although humanitarian agencies are gearing themselves up to mount a response, it is far too late to address anything but the worst symptoms," Simon Levine, an analyst at the Overseas Development Institute think-tank, wrote on its website.

"Measures that could have kept animals alive — and providing milk, and income to buy food — would have been much cheaper than feeding malnourished children, but the time for those passed with very little investment," Levine said.

Story: Famine in the Horn of Africa: How to help

Millions at risk of starvation
The drought gripping the region straddling Somalia, Kenya and Ethiopia is the worst for 60 years, some aid groups say, and is affecting more than 12 million people. In the worst-hit area in Somalia, 3.7 million people are at risk of starvation.

"It seems once again that slow onset disasters don't get attention until they become critical," said a senior humanitarian adviser at a U.N agency in the region

"One can understand this with rapid onset disasters as they come out of the blue, but drought ... we've seen it before and we will again," said the official, who declined to be named.

Video: Famine still tortures Horn of Africa (on this page)

The man filming the dead cow with an iPad was just one in a series of incongruous episodes when the director of the U.N. food agency, Josette Sheeran, flew for a day-trip to a small village and the world's biggest refugee camp in Dadaab to see how her organization is delivering emergency food.

Sheeran posed awkwardly next to the dead carcasses, an uneasy almost-smile on her lips as her staff snapped away with cameras and phones, watched by bemused locals.

Officials then had stilted conversations with refugees used to answering questions from Western aid workers who come with sometimes sympathetic nods, always promising that they can make things better.

"While international NGOs can be very active around humanitarian response many of them don't have a long-term development strategy for these areas," Andrew Catley, an expert on the Horn of Africa at the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University, told Reuters.

Thorny politics
Reporters accompanied Sheeran, knowing they might need the iconic, loathed-by-Africans footage of the most emaciated babies they could find to get air time, or chance upon the "haunted" mother with the most dead children.

For many analysts, however, the story being told in the Horn of Africa by the humanitarian and media caravan is simplistic and misleading.

There is clearly a drought, they say, but the reason tens of thousands of people are leaving their homes in search of food is also because a festering insurgency in Somalia — along with the forced recruitment of youths — is making things worse.

Much of southern and central Somalia is controlled by al Shabaab Islamist militants linked to al Qaeda who imposed a ban on food aid in 2010. They have since lifted the ban but maintained the embargo on the WFP, calling it a "spy agency."

"This is not political," Sheeran briefed frontline aid workers in northern Kenya, saying that responding to the crisis was all that mattered now. "It's about saving lives."

Al Shabaab accused the United Nations last week of exaggerating the severity of the drought and said it would not allow agencies with "hidden agendas" to return.

PhotoBlog: Aid efforts in Horn of Africa fall short

Part of the problem, analysts say, is that much of the funding for WFP, and some other aid agencies, comes from the United States, opening them to charges of skewed objectives.

"What they are really interested in is security in Somalia. Since 9/11 a development for security agenda has come in with big donors like USAID and (Britain's) DFID," said a former senior aid worker in the Horn of Africa.

"Humanitarian issues and real development have basically played second fiddle to their security agendas," he said.

The State Department website says that although USAID is independent, it "receives general direction and overall foreign policy guidance from the Secretary."

According to WFP's website, the United States has contributed 45 percent of its government funding since the start of 2007 — or $7.3 billion out of $16.3 billion.

Broken aid system
Analysts say that, without tackling the political complications that influence the distribution of food aid, and even the use of the word "famine," droughts will remain difficult both to prevent and to manage.

"Whilst it is tempting to say that the causes of the crisis are natural causes, it's much more difficult to look at the man-made causes of the crisis such as governance, conflict and economic trends," Catley said.

Several senior aid officials spoken to by Reuters did not want to be named when criticizing the aid system for fear of losing their jobs or being banned entry by African governments, but said the industry desperately needed an overhaul.

"Some of these organizations have been in these regions for 20/25 years and they're doing the same things today that they were doing 25 years ago," one said.

"If you were in any other sector — and you had such a terrible impact — you'd be out of business."

Copyright 2011 Thomson Reuters. Click for restrictions.

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Game Madagascar: Escape 2 Africa

Home » Game » Game Madagascar: Escape 2 Africa
Minimum System Requirements
PC Processor Type Intel Pentium 4 processor, AMD Athlon processorPC Processor Speed1.7GHzPC Operating SystemWindows XPPC
System Memory 512MB RAM
PC Hard Drive Space 8000MB plus 400MB for Windows swap file and 12KB for saved games
PC Video128MB DirectX 9.0c-compliant 3D NVIDIA GeForce FX 6600 or ATI RADEON X1300 video card
PC Sound Card16-bit DirectX 9.0c-compliant sound card and drivers
PC Drive Type and SpeedDVD-ROM 6xInstructions
1. Unrar.
2. Burn or mount the image.
3. Install the game.
4. Copy the content of the Crack dir to your installation folder.
5. Play    Password:  www.freepcgames.kirod.com    

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